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The Complicated Politics of the Gilets Jaunes Movement

For thirteen minutes on Monday evening, the French President, Emmanuel Macron, addressed the nation in a calm, trance-like state, sitting alone in his office in the Presidential palace, a gold-plated tray poised on one corner of his desk. He was trying, perhaps, to project reassurance after a weekend in which groups of protestors, ten thousand in all, many dressed in neon-yellow safety vests, sauntered down the middle of vacated boulevards in one of the wealthiest square miles of France. Careful study had gone into the speech. Macron had read the demands of the gilets jaunes and put forth targeted responses: an increase in the minimum wage and tax cuts for the poorest pensioners. He expressed an understanding of the country’s “democratic malaise.” Macron had listened to the complaints about his behavior—during the first year of his Presidency, he has made one tone-deaf remark after another, saying, for example, that people could easily find work if they would only bother to cross the street—and offered contrition for his apparent lack of concern. “We are at a historic moment for our country,” he told twenty-one million viewers. “My only concern is you, my only fight is for you.” In response, one of the most-liked postings in a Facebook group called “Je Suis Gilet Jaune!” was a video clip from “Les Visiteurs,” a French comedy about a time-travelling twelfth-century knight. The clip showed the knight sitting down to a sumptuous dinner and tossing a fistful of boiled potatoes to his servant, who grovels next to him.

The gilets jaunes movement began in November, when thousands of people across France spontaneously organized to block roads and the roundabouts that lead into nearly every town in France, dressed in their yellow motorist’s vests, in order to protest a planned hike in taxes on diesel fuel. This gave way to a generalized cry of grievance against Macron, and, for the past four Saturdays, to turbulent protests in Paris, consisting almost entirely of people who’d travelled to the city from small towns and exurban parts of the country. Last Friday night, on the pedestrian streets that trickle off the Place de la République, workers affixed panels of plywood and steel to the windows of bank branches; on some blocks, there were two or three boarded-up banks. The symbolism was overly clumsy, almost medieval: the metropolis guarding its stores of wealth against ransackers coming from beyond the city gates.

The police, too, were abundantly prepared, with eight thousand officers deployed in the streets of Paris. When I arrived at the top of the Champs Elysees at 9 A.M . on Saturday, the winter sun slanted down on police vans encircling the Arc de Triomphe, which had been tagged with graffiti the previous weekend. To enter the area around the avenue you had to pass through ad-hoc checkpoints, where officers with machine guns searched bags and executed pat downs, pressing some of the gilets jaunes against the sides of buildings. In contrast to the police strategy the previous weekend, when people were arrested after they had perpetrated violence, this time the police took into custody people who were carrying any suggestive gear—hammers, masks, projectiles—in order to weed out the “ casseurs ,” anarchists who show up at demonstrations just to break things. Preventing people from demonstrating is an authoritarian tactic. It seemed to work.

On the Champs Elysees at 9:30 A.M. , several hundred gilets jaunes were milling around. There were no planned events—no procession, no speeches. As the morning wore on, groups repeatedly gathered and tried to surge in one direction, at one point rushing down a side street that cut between the boarded-up storefronts of Cartier and Mont Blanc. The officers, who lined the intersection in multiple rows, masks down, shields poised, launched tear-gas grenades, sending fuming white globules streaking past the balconies that hug the avenue. The crowd started to run. “Gently, gently!” people shouted, encouraging everyone to move calmly, so as to avoid a stampede.

But the atmosphere, on the whole, didn’t feel acrimonious. At times, some of the gilets jaunes chatted with the “ forces de l’ordre ,” as the French call them. It felt like democracy. I met two twenty-nine-year-olds from Normandy, who worked in fibre optics and hadn’t been to Paris in fifteen years. One of them told me, “We’re not activists, we’re citizens.” A group of thirty-somethings travelled from Vichy “to fill out the ranks of the people,” one said. Another one told me that BFMTV, France’s main twenty-four-seven television-news station, “said that there would be only violence this weekend and we shouldn’t come. So we came precisely because BFMTV told us not to.” He added, “We wanted to show them that it’s not the case.” It was a question of unity. “We have the feeling of not being represented, that the laws that are voted in never go in the direction of the people, of the majority. They have all these lobbying groups that always get what they want. Well, we’re the lobby of the people.” His statement made a populist appropriation of the jargon of power, as though lobbies were the only legitimate form that power could take. Macron has presided over an interment of traditional institutions in France as parties and unions have been hobbled, and that seemed crucial to the gilets jaunes: in a civic space emptied of opposition, they were anointing themselves.

On Sunday, I met Samuel Hayat, a political scientist at the University of Lille, at a hotel café in the Grands Boulevards neighborhood of Paris, home to several glitzy departments stores that had been closed the previous day. He’d written a blog post in which he pointed out that uprisings in Paris’s past have always been local; this matter of people flocking in from the provinces to the city was entirely new. Hayat studies the history of social movements, with a focus on the nineteenth century, and he argued that, despite their political heterodoxy, the gilets jaunes are remarkably unified. Hayat suggested that the movement’s coherence comes from the deeper organizing principles of a “moral economy,” a concept developed by the historian E. P. Thompson to describe the logic of popular uprisings in the eighteenth century, based on common decency, a fundamental sense of what should and should not be done in the economic sphere, and that the government should guarantee that certain basic norms are respected. “You see in the protesters talk about the mentally ill, the handicapped, the homeless—these are appeals to very basic shared moral ideas, that the state should protect the weak,” Hayat said. “The president, with all his petites phrases, is staging himself as betraying the moral economy.” In this sense, the g ilets jaunes movement indicates a kind of political regression from more sophisticated systems. In his blog post, Hayat wrote, “There’s nothing joyous about the fact that we’ve had to get to this point, to this deep of a fracture, in order for something to happen, and something that borrows from pre-modern forms of collective action.”

On Monday morning, I met a friend, Vincent Martigny, at Le Napoléon, a slightly grungy hangout in the neighborhood of Saint-Denis. Martigny, a professor of political science at the École Polytechnique, in Paris, grew up on the island of La Réunion, a former colony off the coast of Madagascar, and he usually has a decidedly non-Parisian take on current events. “Most media in France now are moderate, and they say, ‘Let’s be quiet, civilized, polite, sit down,’ ” he said. “But somebody who’s got nothing doesn’t want to sit down. He wants to punch you in the face. That’s what they’ve been starting to do. Because they say, ‘Well, violence is the only way for you to listen to me.’ ” He recounted visiting a wine shop that had its windows smashed in the weekend before. The owner of the shop essentially shrugged; the insurance would pay for it. “Violence has become legitimate,” Martigny said, “and that’s the difference between a protest and a revolt.”

The gilets jaunes belong to the same social stratum (lower-middle-class citizens of Western democracies who are having financial difficulties but are not destitute) as the supporters of the Five Star Movement, in Italy, and of Podemos, in Spain; they are Trump voters in the U.S. and Brexit voters in the U.K. Hayat suggested that the gilets jaunes movement is, at core, conservative—they don’t want to overthrow the current form of government but, rather, to restore a state that can actually address their problems. Last Saturday, there were some insurrectionary elements, including protesters who called for the movement to march to the Presidential palace and kick out Macron. But, to Hayat, the true insurrection would be if the gilets jaunes continued to control roadways in the provinces where social services had receded, and developed into some kind of self-governance. “When you have people organizing popular committees because the legitimate power of the state isn’t there any more,” he told me, “when people want to take the whole social pact and question it from the most basic level—this is the most revolutionary.”

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Who Are France's Yellow Vest Protesters, And What Do They Want?

Jake Cigainero

Demonstrators gather near the Arc de Triomphe in Paris during a protest on Saturday. AFP/Getty Images hide caption

Demonstrators gather near the Arc de Triomphe in Paris during a protest on Saturday.

As part of his environmental policy strategy, French President Emmanuel Macron announced a green tax on fuel last month to go into effect Jan. 1. The move set off nearly a month of protests around France. The French Interior Ministry estimates 136,000 protesters turned out across the country over the weekend, in addition to 280,000 in previous weeks.

France Freezes Fuel Tax Hike In Face Of 'Yellow Vest' Protests

Nicknamed for the safety vests worn by protesters, known as gilets jaunes, the yellow vest movement has sparked a political crisis for the French government. The protests started in the French provinces but spread to Paris, where demonstrations turned into riots over the weekend and scenes of violent civil unrest played out along the city's famous Avenue des Champs Élysées.

Who are the members of the yellow vest movement and how did it emerge?

Originally, the yellow vest protesters were people from rural areas who have to drive long distances as part of their daily life. They said they couldn't afford the hike in fuel prices. Protests appeared in pockets around France to denounce Macron's green tax and then quickly grew into a larger movement that includes members of the working and middle classes who are expressing their frustration about slipping standards of living. They say their incomes are too high to qualify for social welfare benefits but too low to make ends meet. The movement has no official leadership and was organized initially through social media groups.

The protesters focus on Macron as the source of their problems. Along with his early reforms to loosen labor laws and slash France's famous wealth tax, the fuel tax reinforces protesters' image of him as a president of the rich.

French President Holds Security Meeting On Yellow Vest Protests

How did these protests turn violent?

Most yellow vests at blockades around France are peaceful protesters. Violent protests erupted over the weekend in Paris, where rioters defaced the Arc de Triomphe and the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, looted shops, vandalized buildings and even attacked police. French authorities note that most of the violence and vandalism were incited by anarchists known as "casseurs" — rioters, thugs from the ultraleft and ultraright. Paris police held 380 people in custody after Saturday's riots. The city estimates total damages at $3.4 million.

What do the protesters want?

Their initial demand was to repeal the green tax on diesel. Now, others want the current minimum wage (about $1,350 per month after taxes) to be raised. There have also been calls to dissolve the National Assembly and hold new elections. There have even been chants of "Macron resign!"

Why do they wear yellow vests?

All French motorists are required by law to carry yellow roadside safety vests in their vehicles. Protesting drivers donned their obligatory yellow vests and created roadblocks around France. Now anyone joining the protests wears the yellow vest, regardless of whether they are motorists.

The "yellow vest" protests began last month. Large demonstrations turned violent in Paris over the weekend. -/AFP/Getty Images hide caption

The "yellow vest" protests began last month. Large demonstrations turned violent in Paris over the weekend.

What's the public reaction?

According to a poll conducted Sunday by Harris Interactive for French media, 72 percent of French people support the yellow vests, even after Saturday's riots. But 85 percent responded they are against the violence. Four people have now died since the protests began three weeks ago. Three were killed in separate traffic accidents caused by roadblocks set up by yellow vests, and an 80-year-old woman in Marseille died from injuries she received when a tear gas grenade hit her in the face as she closed her apartment windows to protests below.

Political leaders such as Marine Le Pen, the leader of the far-right National Rally (formerly the National Front), and Jean-Luc Mélenchon of the far-left France Unbowed have tried without success to latch on to the yellow vests. The inability of these two parties, which usually do well with groups who feel marginalized, signals that the yellow vest protesters are fed up with all figures of the political establishment.

How is the government responding?

Macron was in Buenos Aires for the G-20 summit over the weekend when protests turned into riots. He denounced the violence from Argentina and said those responsible for the chaos would be found and punished. After he returned to Paris Sunday morning, he went straight to the Arc de Triomphe and then held a crisis meeting with top ministers. The interior minister has said the government is considering declaring a state of emergency.

Prime Minister Edouard Philippe met today with leaders of political parties holding seats in France's Parliament to discuss possible solutions to the crisis. Philippe was scheduled to meet with a delegation of yellow vests on Tuesday, but the representatives canceled, citing personal security concerns after receiving anonymous death threats. The government had already invited yellow vest protesters to talks last week, before Saturday's riots, but the delegation abandoned the meeting when they learned the discussions wouldn't be filmed or broadcast.

The government will also hold debates in Parliament on reforms and possible solutions but will not not necessarily hold a vote on proposals. The prime minister said he would announce new measures later this week in response to the crisis.

What are the implications of this crisis for Macron?

Depending on what measures the government announces this week, the French government's top priority is preventing more riots and making sure proper security is in place in the event of more protests. Macron has previously said he won't back down on the fuel tax. Since he took office 18 months ago, the French president has seen public pushback on almost every one of his reforms, especially liberalizing the labor market. However, this is the biggest political crisis he has faced so far, and it could determine the rest of his presidency.

• Emmanuel Macron

Gilets jaunes: one year on, how the ‘yellow vest’ movement has changed French citizens’ lives

PhD student au centre de recherche OCE, EM Lyon Business School

Disclosure statement

Elise Lobbedez does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

EM Lyon provides funding as a member of The Conversation FR.

EM Lyon provides funding as a member of The Conversation EUROPE.

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Often perceived as disorganised, scattered and even violent, France’s “gilets jaunes” movement has taken many by surprise with its staying power. A year into the movement, which began on November 17, 2018, many activists are still regularly meeting, organising and protesting, despite the challenges they’ve faced over the past 12 months. In fact, for many French citizens, the yellow vest has become a symbol of civic engagement.

If you don’t visit the roundabouts, if you don’t go to the protests, if you don’t meet people, you don’t know shit, and you think that the gilets jaunes are over, that they have no demands, that they’ve lost their purpose. But we are still demonstrating. Our demands haven’t changed. (Stéphanie)

While fewer people attend yellow-vest demonstrations these days, the movement is still going strong. In my ethnographic study of the movement in the Lyon area, I was able to observe that commitment to the movement often goes beyond protesting, occupying roundabouts and breaching toll-road gates. In fact, participants often report that they haven’t had time for anything else this year.

Over time, the rallies have settled into a certain routine , described by one gilet jaune, Margot, as an “activist’s regimen” in our interview this summer.

Participating in operations, handing out flyers, helping the homeless – these are the activities that make up the daily routine of “yellow activism”. During a meeting at the beginning of the school year, Etienne talked about how the days of action on Saturdays eventually became less intense:

I want us to go back to a 9am to 9pm routine. A 12-hour day, right? We need to show we’re still here.

Apart from operations on the ground, the daily lives of yellow vests are organised around discussions and experiments in direct democracy, with weekly meetings, conferences and debates. Between tips on what to read, discovery of the world of activism, and tutorials into banner making, many emphasise that they have never learned as much as they have since they joined the movement.

A year of struggle

Some people are against wearing the yellow vest now … I’m not saying they’re wrong. Because, in the end, we’ve been stigmatised too much… (Julien)

During this year of struggle, wearing the yellow vest has not always been easy. The drop in participation sometimes impaired cohesion and led to internal tensions. Several arguments have plagued assemblies, particularly over the way forward. Should protesters ask for a permit to demonstrate? Would teaming up with other movements help boost actions? What would that entail in practice?

With media coverage from many outlets emphasising protester violence, the yellow vest has taken on another kind of symbolism for people outside of the movement, sometimes hindering its efforts.

In some cases, it even constitutes a deterrent to inter-movement collaboration, as was the case during some climate marches , in particular in early January. Some yellow-vest protesters felt unwelcome, and had the impression that they were simply there to boost numbers rather than out of any solidarity with their demands.

Symbolically, many feel stigmatised and must navigate the prejudices of their relatives, and onlookers. Within the collective, the culture of sacrifice encourages participants to go all in for the cause, sometimes setting targets that are difficult to attain, at the expense of their health, family life, friendships, and work. Exhaustion due to overinvestment is common, and it is not unusual for some to take a step back, at least for a while.

Life through a yellow lens

When I see some outrageous news, I have no choice but to send it on, to share it. I’m a yellow vest because I’m outraged. (Thierry)

But distancing oneself from the movement does not mean giving up. The political practices developed through this year of activism remain infused in their daily lives, even for those who have packed away their yellow vest.

The vest is, above all, a state of mind. Very often, seemingly commonplace daily activities take a political turn: for Anaïs, it’s going to the market rather than the supermarket; for Michel, it’s creating a parents’ network to help with babysitting; for Frédéric, it’s giving up buying things on Amazon.

When it comes to the media, everyone pricks up their ears at the mention of strikes and controversial news stories, as they try to get their news from alternative outlets. Francine, for example, has distanced herself from the movement but stays actively informed via independent news sites. She told me about the new platforms she discovered via the yellow-vest movement: “I listened to all the content on ThinkerView … It fosters the exchange of ideas and opens your mind.”

For her, it’s not just about keeping up to date, but familiarising herself with other points of view, which she believes is essential in her day-to-day encounters and interactions.

The vest: a sign of change

I will never stop being an activist now. It might take different forms … Through politics, maybe, or local organisations. But now hooked. After a year like that, trying to change things, you can’t go back to just mindlessly listening to the news on [main French channel] TF1, thinking, ‘Time will tell’. (Florence)

Many in the movement feel the yellow wave has changed their lives . Some, like Maxime Nicolle , decided to seeking another job, more in line with their values. Marie, who worked in the business tourism market, quit her job to look for work that better fits her ideals.

For Florence, the movement was a wake-up call. Her growing involvement led her to decide to leave her partner. She is still very active in the movement but is now wondering what her engagement will be like in the future. Life without some form of activism has become inconceivable for her. She is not alone: some “yellow vests” have decided to run for office within a party or on a citizen’s ticket.

Of course, these changes in lives and habits are personal and cannot describe the entire movement, especially given its multifaceted nature. However, they are a testament to the effect the yellow vest movement has on many individuals.

While it is difficult to foresee the movement’s future, it is clear that the yellow vest has changed lives and will continue to impact the future militancy of many of its participants. It will always be there, ready to be resurrected when the time comes.

Elise Lobbedez’s doctoral thesis is supervised by Professor David Courpasson.

Translated from the French by Alice Heathwood for Fast ForWord .

This article was originally published in French

• Civic engagement
• The Conversation France
• Emmanuel Macron
• Gilets jaunes movement (France)

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The Gulet Experience: Combining Tradition and Luxury at Sea

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50 Shades of Turquoise – Boutique Sailing on Turkey’s Turquoise Coast

Turkey’s Turquoise Coast is made for exploring by boat with its raggedy limestone coast that plunges into the sea, scalloped with small bays, many of which are inaccessible by road. My first experience on board a traditional wooden Turkish sailing boat known as a gulet – backpacker-style, aged 19 – had marked the beginning of a lifelong love affair with sailing (one that has since seen me sail around the Med on various vessels including tall ship and ancient ships ).

But the memories of gulet sailing in Turkey stayed with me for their incomparable combination of turquoise seas, incredible food, and sense and being close to nature. I think this is because gulet trips tend to be slow and leisurely coastal cruises with plenty of swimming, and nights that are warm enough to sleep on deck and watch the stars.

Somehow, 15 years have passed since that first gulet trip. With many more sea miles under my belt, would I still love it (and Turkey) as much on my long-overdue return?

Let’s face it, revisiting beloved destinations is always a risk. But the Turquoise Coast was calling my name.

Gulet cruises in Turkey are ridiculously good value. That was true in 2004 and is still true today. The trips aimed at backpackers are the cheapest way to experience life at sea in the Mediterranean – if you want more information on these then check out my previous post ‘ Gulet Sailing for Backpackers ‘.

This time around though, I wanted to treat myself to something a little bit more luxurious.

SAILING WITH SCIC

I tend to go on sailing trips where you get stuck in crewing, but last year I had various aches and pains at the time (getting old!) and fancied a proper vacation rather than a hands-on sail. I’d come across SCIC Sailing – a Dutch/English company with a small fleet of boats – on the travel blog Hey! Dip Your Toes In and was instantly smitten by the words ‘champagne and goat’s cheese’ in their brochure. SCIC is by no means the only company in this region of Turkey offering this type of gulet trip, but the little touches in their brochure stood out.

And their price was very competitive. Because the other big draw for me was the lack of single supplement – catnip to a solo traveller. As with hotels, cabin charters are often priced on the assumption they will be filled by a couple. This makes SCIC’s prices very appealing for a solo sailor – particularly when you factor in the inclusive food and drink. Unsurprisingly up to 50% of their passengers are solo travellers which ensures a sociable vibe.

(note: this was not a sponsored trip, I paid my own way)

SCIC calls itself a boutique sailing company. It’s not ultra-luxury, for that look at superyachts, but if you’re used to backpacking then it certainly feels luxurious. You could describe their aim as ‘ultra-relaxation’.

So what does paying extra for a nearly-luxury sailing trip get you, compared to the budget version?

• A certain level of comfort and service. The boat was roomy with lots of padded seats and spaces suitable for ultra-relaxation. The sails are not just for decoration, they are put to use – whenever the wind is actually blowing. And there is AC, although you can only use it when the generator is on (not unusual for boats) and don’t expect it to be refrigerator-cold.
• Food. It gets you a lot of food. Life on board feels like a continual banquet of delicious Turkish mezze. The food is insanely good, better than anything I had ashore, and mealtimes are a highlight. See also: cold beers/chilled rosé wine to hand at any time.
• A different clientele. Whilst the backpacker cruises are teeming with tanned Aussies in their early 20s, on this boat I was the youngest by a few decades. There were only 7 of us, including one couple and several returnees. I’m sure there was just as much alcohol consumed on board as on the backpacker cruises – though maybe we were in bed a little earlier.

WHAT’S THE BOAT LIKE?

I sailed on Notus, a 24m long 6m wide traditional wooden Turkish boat. Cabins are ensuite with a double bed and a flushing toilet (I tell you, this is a true luxury after you’ve sailed on a replica ancient Phoenician ship with no toilet…). It even has a window that looked straight out onto the sea, which always seems to be a startling shade of turquoise. There was a crew of 3 including the cook, who somehow churns out endless meals from his galley. The anchor is dropped for mealtimes which are taken at the back (aft) of the boat. Comfy padded seating areas are found at both the front and back of the boat, as well as mattresses for sunbathing.

A note about air-conditioning: there is AC on the boat but it only runs when the generator is on. You can’t have it on all night. This is typical on sailboats.

DAILY ROUTINE

At the start of the voyage, a rough itinerary is decided by the passengers and skipper. Our group was all in favour of sailing and swimming rather than seeing the sights ashore. I’ve been to this part of Turkey (I sailed on the Göcek-Göcek route) a few times so that was fine by me. 

Our daily routine looked a bit like this: wake up and jump into the sea. Breakfast. Refreshing post-breakfast swim. Sail to another bay. Sunbathe. Jump in the water to cool off. Eat lunch. Swimming. Try not to sink from the volume of food you’ve just consumed. More sailing. Afternoon tea (yes). Swim. Take the paddleboard or kayak out if you’re feeling energetic, or swim to a cave. Drinks and nibbles. Maybe another swim before dinner. Try to find some room for dinner. Food coma. Perhaps a skinny dip once it’s dark if you’re feeling perky. Roll down to bed.

My highlight was the sunset stop one evening at Gemiler Island near Ölüdeniz, a tiny uninhabited island with impressive ruins, where we raced up to the top to watch the sun go down (with some cold beers of course).

And the time I saw a shoal of seven squid, ethereal and purple, whilst snorkelling.

And swimming each morning in a different bay of endless emeralds and teal.

I have to say that this ultra-relaxing style of trip was maybe a little too relaxing for me, and I didn’t think such a thing was even possible. By the end of the week, I was longing to stretch my legs and do some exploring (how did I even manage a year at sea? it’s a mystery to me now). However, if you are stressed and in need of hardcore relaxation then I can imagine this is just the ticket. 

FINAL THOUGHTS

So what do I think of gulet sailing, 15 years on?

It’s still exceptional value, particularly since the Turkish Lira hit a rocky patch in 2018. It’s significantly cheaper than what you would pay for a similar trip over the water in Greece, and you get much more space (and food) to boot.

There’s a lot to recommend about exploring the Turkish coast by gulet sailing. One thing that I wasn’t so keen on was the amount of waste generated by the very generous – but bordering on slightly ridiculous – amount of food. It struck a strange note in these waste-conscious times.

It was also a little on the formal side for me. I’m used to crewing on boats so it felt a bit odd to be waited on and to dine separately from the crew. But this might not be a problem for your travel style.

The coastline is still just as spectacular, although it certainly feels busier – with lots of swanky Russian megayachts prowling the coast, as well as hundreds of other gulets. Don’t expect to have many bays completely to yourself, at least around Fethiye. If this is important to you then route options should be discussed before booking. Same goes if you’d rather focus on actual sailing.

But I reckon the best way to do this is to bring enough friends or family to fill the boat and charter the whole thing privately. That way you can tailor the activity levels, food, and formality to your liking – and it makes it easier to adapt to changing needs (and whims!).

What an excellent way to spend a week though.

Turkey’s Turquoise Coast – 10 Local Secrets

10 Most Beautiful Beaches in Turkey

10 Best Places in Turkey for Solo Travel

A Backpacker’s Guide to Gulet Sailing in Turkey

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À Gap, Henri est gilet jaune depuis six ans

Sur le même sujet.

Lécya, jeune chanteuse de Mallefougasse, dans l'équipe de Patrick Fiori à "The Voice Kids"

Loiret: l'ancien évêque de Gap a officié aux obsèques d'Alain Delon

Montgardin: le concours de labour organisé ce week-end

Clap de fin pour le festival Éclats d'été à Gap, plus de 3.000 personnes réunies

Hockey sur glace: les Diables rouges de Briançon de retour sur la glace

Un père et sa fille jouent de la trompe de chausse pendant leurs vacances à Valensole

Mison: les activités interdites sur le lac dont le niveau est trop bas

Tallard: les fêtes médiévales de retour après quatre ans d'absence

À Champcella, un festival de bande dessinée rend hommage à F’Murrr

Briançon: la danse du bacchu-ber anime les rues

Alpes-de-Haute-Provence: Le Sauze s'équipe d'une tyrolienne géante

Alpes-de-Haute-Provence: les Mariachis envahissent les rues de Barcelonnette

Vianney encourage la jeune Dina Mourard en vidéo